CAPITALIST APPROACH MAW AHIH KEI LEH SOCIALIST APPROACH MAW? ZUIH DINGIN KOI TEEL ZAW DING?

 

CAPITALIST APPROACH MAW AHIH KEI LEH SOCIALIST APPROACH MAW? ZUIH DINGIN KOI TEEL ZAW DING?

I minam "ZOMI" pen deih in na deih kei zongin na sisan khempeuh na laih a, na kipatna bulpi (origin) ahi na pianna leh khankhiatna na pum laih theih mateng ut in ut ta kei lecin leitung a bei mateng a bei ngei lo ding, kuamah hong suhsak theih ding leh phiatmang sak zawh ding hilo hi. (Utong kimlai va-ak va neih in, mihing kimlai thankik na va kineih kei buang leh) Ahih hangin minam (nation) khat hong piankhiatna dingin namke/nambing (tribes) tampi hong kihawmkhop ciangin minam a piangkhia thei hi pan bek hi cih thei in. (Gthna: Israel minam pen tribes 12 kigawmin a din' khawm ciang bekun gam leh leitang kician 1948 kum in a nei zo pan bek ahi uh hi. Kipumkhatin a din' khawm theihna dingun a minam in a namke neute susu tuan beek lo hi)

Minam movement hatsak nuam lua kisa-in namke teng na tuatcil sawm lai teng minam movement hat ngei lo ding a, namke bek na ultungsak luat le lah kineuseek semsem in na mangthang ding hi. Inn kip leh kho ding lam sawm napi-in a khuam ding teng phut loin a khuam kiphut khinsun teng sat tan in, a inn sutpi a phuk tawh na kibang den ngitnget ding hi.

Zomi movement vai-ah (political, social, cultural) ah a minam min bek a zang leh a minam min a lehdo leh langpan'na tangtang ngamna hangin gilpi ading hamphatna leh thuneihna a ngah pawl khat om hi. (Minam min bek haipih leh sihpih ngamte laptopna vs minam kipumkhatna ding hong dal nam dangte laptohna hangin) Tua bang makaite in amau leh a beh a bawng teng bek uh hui tuam in, aituam ading bekin minam min a zat manun (lai tengun) a mipite in hamphatna ngah dinga kilawmte kingah ngei lo a, minam min paulap in a zat siamte leh langpan' siamte' hamphatna ngahte bek a gal panin na ki-enen a, "Duhsak mahmah di, pia het lo di," cih movement tawh kikalsuan ngaungau veve ahih manin i minam leh i gamah khantohna piang thei lo hi. Beelzebul vs Beelzebul a kido lai teng dawi gam kikeek liat beh thei lo hi (Matthai 12:22-32; (Marka 3:19-30; Luka 11:14-23)

Aituam ading bek meetna leh hamphatna ngahna ding zongin i minam min a zangte leh a langpang makaite hong kilem kik uh a, hong kipumkhat theih ciang bekun i minam bup in hamphatna ngah dinga kilawmte kingah zo pan bek ding a, aituam ading bek khuat dente nangawn in amau hamphatna ngah dinga kilawmte suplawh tuan lo ding uh hi. A mite a bei mateng khangsawnte piangpiang lel ding ahih manin a minam min leh kipawlna tuamtuamte bei ngei lo ding ahih manin a minam min leh kipawlna bekbek i buaipih bangin a mipite adingin i buai ciang bekin a minam leh a gam hong khangto in hong paallun thei pan bek ding hi.

I minam bup leh i gam i lei in hamphatna taktak i ngah theihna dingin minam movement ah CAPITALIST APPROACH bekbek i paipih ngaungau den niloh i khiamsuk a, SOCIALIST APPROACH i nak zat zawk ciang bekin tangpi tangta in hamphatna kingah thei pan bek ding hi. Bang hang hiam cih leh CAPITALISM APPROACH bek a kizuihna mun khempeuh ah neite bek, a hamphatpih khinsate bekin neih beh hamphatpih den in, tawm bek a neite neihsun teng CAPITALIST CLASS or RULING CLASS teng bekin amau aituam leh angsung ading bek huaitum mang ngitnget den uh ahih manin a zawng teng kibawlsia in kinengniam (exploited and oppressed) ngitnget den a, a cycle tua bang mah in paipai den niloh hi.

Hih pen na thukimpih a, na thukimpih kei ta zongin leitung bei dong a kinial zo ngei lo ding thuman ahi hi. Zomite kitaangsap lianpen CAPITALIST APPROACH MOVEMENT panin DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST APPROACH MOVEMENT tawh thakhat thu-in a bup in kilaihna (radical or revolutionary change) ahi hi. Maban a limci zaw i deih leh a kisam masa hih thu hi. Eima ngaihsut zia laih in, puahphat dinga kisamte i puahphat mateng TOPA, TOPA , TOPA ... ci-in a thupha hong piak ding bek ngenin lametna tawh a piang ziau ding hilo hi.

Tua loin tangpi tangta (common people) ten leitung bei dongin minam movement panin hamphatna kingah ngei lo ding a, i minam movement zong a hat ding zah a kilawmin a hat ngei loh banah leitung bei dongin i kipumkhatna dingin vantung panin manna a kikhiatsuk bangin KIPUMKHATNA thupha hong kikhiasuk ngei lo ding hi. I minam bup, i gam i lei in hamphatna kikim i ngah theihna ding, khantohna a pianna dingin eima hanciamna leh panlakna banah kilaihna kisam hi. Tua loin BETHSAIDA bual hong kiloklok kik nawn lo ding hi.

Minam kipawlna leh movement hapia in kihel buang napi-in hamphatna na ngahpih kei leh a mawkna hi. Tua ahih manin nang, na innkuanpihte, na khua na tui leh na mipihte in hamphatna leh noptuamna a ngah theihna dingin kua nung zui na hi hiam cih kisittel pha kik in. Ngaihsutna ding khuak a nei khempeuh in hih thu na lungngai pha kik ta un. Bil nei khempeuh in na za ta un. Capitalist approach bek mah teel zaw ding maw ahih kei leh socialist approach lampi lam awn zaw pianin tawm zaw ding maw?

Na hamphatna ngahna ding nangma khut sung leh deihteelna bangbang ah kinga den hi. Mi dangte khut tawh gul mat sawm nawn kei in. Hih thu lim takin ciamteh, kidawm. I minam movement pai zia ka vei luat man leh kong it luat man hi zaw hi. Takhhh!! 👊

✍️ Thang Khan Lian #ZUNs

Tryst with destiny 

Wishing you a Happy Independence Day 2020! Let us honour the struggles of many bravehearts who fought for the country's freedom. Happy Independence Day 2020! Let's salute the martyrs for the sacrifices they made and thank them for giving us our freedom.

"Tryst with Destiny" was a speech delivered by Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India, to the Indian Constituent Assembly in The Parliament, on the eve of India's Independence, towards midnight on 14 August 1947. It spoke on the aspects that transcend India's history. It is considered to be one of the greatest speeches of the 20th century and to be a landmark oration that captures the essence of the triumphant culmination of the Indian independence struggle against the British Empire in India.

Tryst with Destiny speech:

Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.

It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.

At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries which are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again.

The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.

The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.

Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

The appointed day has come - the day appointed by destiny - and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the east, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materialises. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!

We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation, who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us.

We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.

The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be.

We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind.

- Jawaharlal Nehru